The Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M) indeed has reached the parliament on January 15, 2007 with 83 members. The same parliament some of the Maoists, as its members had abandoned 11 years ago alleging it as a feudalistic and revisionist. And which also had unanimously voted it as a terrorist organization in November 2001. After Nepali Congress, they now are the second largest political party in the Parliament alongside Communist Party of Nepal (UML).
The famous People’s Uprising against the King Gyanendra’s atrocities in April 2006 to the Maoists’ taking oath as parliamentarians and the on going registration of Maoist Cadres and weapons! Undeniably, Nepal, right now is experiencing series of socio-political changes as never before. Change however, should not be mistaken as progress. Change and progress are not synonyms and there exists a big gulf between the two. Although the changes taking place would lead Nepal to a certain direction but there are no absolute assurances that direction will be towards progress.
The lurking uncertainty and suspicions on Nepal’s future is mostly due to the CPNM’s lack of tangible commitments to the sustainable peace and progress, as they continuously contradict their liability by actually what they do. They have not only contradicted the Peace Accord, Arms Management Accord and various memorandums of understanding by obstructing the restoration of police posts, cadres leaving the cantonments, carrying weapons in public places and recruiting the child soldiers. CPNM have also started to adopt oblivion attitude against their own basic principles, which had always served as backbone for the ten years long violence they had endeavored.
The only reason behind the support of socially deprived and excluded people to the Maoist, both physically and ideologically, in their violent socio-political war is the seemingly grass root doctrine the CPNM preached on. The people had nothing to do with Maoism and Imperialism. However, now that the CPNM and other major political parties have agreed upon the interim constitution, there is no space at all for King Gyanendra in the interim statute. And the elated CPNM spokesperson Krishna Bahadur Mahara, last Thursday contextually said that the adoption of the interim constitution means CPNM had achieved its mission as it had actually taken up the weapons to end the monarchy in the country. The statement like this is not only surprising but also suspicious. Maoists’ mission was never an abolishment of the monarchy if the memorandum they put forward on 4 February, 1996 as their objectives behind starting the people war is to be believed. The memorandum listed 40 demands which included among others the abolition of privileges enjoyed by the royals, and demands related to landlessness, caste and ethnic issues and women’s welfare. Furthermore, Monarchy would have been deprived of power through the peoples’ effort itself sooner or later.
As the CPNM has expressed their contentment with the de-positioning of King as the Head of State, the doubts lurk heavily on how and in what form and manner will the Maoist react if monarchy survives through the upcoming Constituent Assembly election? Will they again go back to the jungle to start fresh war? Additionally, if Maoist brushes aside its own basic foundations, which had helped them gain quick popularity among and acceptance of deprived and socially excluded people, it is the country that ultimately have to bear the grave consequences. Even most of those who had despised Maoism, Communism and CPNM itself, had not disagreed to its vision of new egalitarian Nepali society. Hence, at this crucial moment in the fragile Nepal Maoist simply cannot afford to limit its mission on the issue as an abolishment of monarchy.
Failure to live up to the “people centered” expectations popularized by Maoists would cost Nepal its direction towards progress. The Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (JTMM) an organization that fractioned away from CPNM in 2004, alleging it for becoming forgetful towards Terai (plain) people provides an example of the crucial consequence that Nepal might have to face. The JTMM has not only staged protests and strikes but have also demanded an “autonomous Terai province” and that, indigenous peoples of Terai be allowed to run army, police and administration in Terai region. More violent groups of this kind may form in the future. After all in the past thirteen years Maoists have trained many deprived groups not only to launch an organized war against the state mechanisms but also by default these groups have gained massive consciousness on importance of violence for political power. Examples are rampant in today’s Nepal of the groups resorting in the different magnitude of violence to achieve any desired result is quiet prevalent both at macro and micro level.
Maoist have been inclusive in their selection of Parliamentarians, which includes women, members from low caste, ethnic and occupational groups, youth and even a 75 years old elderly member. However, this kind of inclusive representation existed before too. Moreover, a political analyst says a member of ethnic or low caste groups in parliament or government doesn’t necessarily assures the bulk of those who have been deprived too, would enjoy social, economic and political rights. Maoists themselves had preached time and again before that the root causes of inequality and deprivations are feudalisms like nepotism, favoritism and caste system that have played a greater role alongside monarchy in the underdevelopment of Nepal. Ironically, most of the top organizational positions of CPNM including that of major political parties are occupied by high caste people which proves feudalism exist within these stakeholders of new Nepal too. This fact gives enough ground to doubt on the Maoists’ changing doctrine and the direction that Nepal may take would be no better than the one which have been there since 250 years ago.
On the CPNM’s first day in Parliament, its senior leader Chandra Prakash Gajurel in his interview with a reporter of Nepal Television said that his party still has threats from United States. The interview like this doesn’t impress both the United States and the Nepali people. It is now time for Maoist to realize that Nepal is no North Korea or Iran to receive high US political interests. It is also a ripen time for Maoist to realize, as now they would be in Government soon, that the greatest threats for them would be within Nepal if they refrain themselves to live up to the promises and dreams they have shared among the deprived and discriminated people. Instead of trying to view US as an enemy, it would be far beneficial for the country and CPNM itself to open an eye towards the severe poverty, stage of lawlessness, fractured infrastructure and growing violence in the name of regionalism.
If most of the excluded and deprived Nepali people have trusted CPNM then it should also come up with the assurances that it has some programs and agendas for the people beside criticizing on US imperialism and celebrating the powerlessness of Monarchy. People, including those who have accepted them as parliamentarians despite once despising them, also need a genuine conformation that CPNM would not use its militias and weapons ever again and that the claims that it is trying to acquire “crummy weapons” from the Indian state of Bihar for locking up in cantonments so that the modern weapons they have could be hidden, are baseless.
Tough Days Ahead For Nepali Leaders
The decade-long civil war that killed over 13,000 people in Nepal formally came to an end on 21st November with the signing off of Comprehensive Peace Accord. There will be no front page news on deaths related to encounter, ambush and shoot outs. No Nepali would fear to travel conflict affected districts like Rukum, Rolpa and Dang. The Maoists will be confined to UN-monitored camps, without their arms. Constituent assembly (CA) elections will be held to draft a new constitution and decide the future of the monarchy. The war indeed has ended with the beginning of the challenges for Nepali leaders.
Nepali leaders will now have to successfully deal with many socio-political problems to maintain a sustainable peace. However, three issues, rehabilitation of Maoist cadre, arms management, and problems pertaining landlessness, are foremost challenges that need immediate focus. According to Maoist Leader Prachanda, his People Liberation Army (PLA) has 35,000 Maoist militias. They would remain in fixed cantonments monitored by UN until Nepal has its peaceful transformation. Government will supply the foods during this period. But once this period gets over dreadful problems may arise.
Merging of PLA with Nepal Army (NA) after the CA elections is one probability regarding future of PLA. But NA cannot accommodate 35,000 armies at a time. Moreover, facts like age and education are important in NA recruitment but as Maoist never had or exposed their army recruitment criteria the number of Maoist militia fit for NA is highly uncertain.
Surely, the challenges related to children and female militia, are very critical especially in the context when the Maoist topmost leaders themselves are not sure on the number of children and female the PLA has. Children militias have lost their educational opportunities but they know how to make bombs and plant an ambush. In the absence of assured livelihood, the children may use this ill talent to make out the livings as has been in Sierra Leone and Angola. Children could also be used by others in criminal activities like drug trafficking, looting and kidnapping for ransom. Not to forget the psychological turmoil, feeling of inferiority and low self-esteem are the sufferings that the children will go through during this transitional phase that may lead to disruptive consequences.
As women sexuality is highly regarded in Nepali society, the women militias who have spent months or years outside may not be accepted back by their families and societies. In addition, contrary to Maoists’ claims of self popularity, many reports imply people actually fear them as those who could “do anything”. In this context coexistence of Maoists and civilians might be very difficult and painful. The social rejection and contempt may lead the militia women to involve in other acute social crimes like trafficking, prostitution and petty crimes.
The government in partnership with I/NGOs may develop programs like Non Formal Education (NFA) and Skill Trainings for these children and women. But to restore their lost social status and rehabilitate them might be toughest confrontation for Government and I/NGOs in a country where social values and morals are ways of life.
A Norwegian Conflict Management trainer says that peace and arms can never coexist. Both NA and PLA have arms beyond calculations so far. This fact makes Nepal still vulnerable to the armed violence. Moreover, the reports of Maoists' recruitment drive in PLA have made all including the international community suspicious on Nepal’s enduring peace. In the Peace Accord nothing specific is mentioned regarding the long term management of the arms. Failure to effectively manage the arms make civilians especially those who have been directly involved in the war accessible to these arms. In Cambodia large number of weapons used during the civil war is left in civilians' hands. Total number of illegal Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) in Cambodia would amount to one for every 3-5 households. Not to repeat the same fate, a confidence building between the Maoist and other political parties is necessary. Maoist should by now start to regard itself as a political party without an arm. Other parties also should work together to create the environment of confidence.
On 13, February 1996 when the Maoist started its People War, Dalits (low caste group), peasants, and disadvantaged ethnic group like Tharu formed a bulk of the PLA. This composition is not an accident. The People War had started with the issues concerning land, caste system and ethnic discrimination. Therefore the People War was immediately welcomed in rural parts of Nepal where the problem and discrimination of caste, ethnicity and landholding is intense.
The Comprehensive Peace Accord bears some vital points on issues related to Land Reforms. But the land issue may not be so easy to deal in Nepal where 6% of the people possess 40% of arable land and 70% of peasants has less than one hectare of land. And 25% of households are absolutely landless. The 6% elite processors of land are also industrialists and politicians who have always played vital role in the formulation and implementation of the national policies. The leaders of Nepal will now have to be in conflict with these industrialists and politicians if land holding policies are to be revised. Will leaders “disappoint” the industrialists who provide crucial support to them during the time of elections and other political activities?
If some tangible decisions in favor of land reformation and landlessness are not taken straight away then the fact of returning to the war cannot be ruled out. After all, in the last 13 years the peasants, landless and disadvantaged ethnic groups are well trained and experienced on how to launch an organized arms violence against the State mechanisms and civilians.
There is significant risk that when a civil war ends it will soon resume as has been in case of Angola and sporadically in Uganda. Oscar Rafael Sanchez, a Costa Rican Nobel Peace Prize winner has said that, negligence towards the militias, poorly administered arm management and failure to live up the moral code of the war may favor a return to a war in form of pillaging, armed gangs’ terror, robbing and stealing. As recent examples Zaire, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Somalia have proved Sanchez correct.
It might have been easier to share the dreams of egalitarian society with the militia and train them on how to shoot a person or blast a building. But it is not so easy to take the responsibility of their future, formulate sustainable legislations on their behalf and effectively stop them from going back to the war. The days in the office are indeed going to be very challenging for the leaders in Nepal.
Nepali leaders will now have to successfully deal with many socio-political problems to maintain a sustainable peace. However, three issues, rehabilitation of Maoist cadre, arms management, and problems pertaining landlessness, are foremost challenges that need immediate focus. According to Maoist Leader Prachanda, his People Liberation Army (PLA) has 35,000 Maoist militias. They would remain in fixed cantonments monitored by UN until Nepal has its peaceful transformation. Government will supply the foods during this period. But once this period gets over dreadful problems may arise.
Merging of PLA with Nepal Army (NA) after the CA elections is one probability regarding future of PLA. But NA cannot accommodate 35,000 armies at a time. Moreover, facts like age and education are important in NA recruitment but as Maoist never had or exposed their army recruitment criteria the number of Maoist militia fit for NA is highly uncertain.
Surely, the challenges related to children and female militia, are very critical especially in the context when the Maoist topmost leaders themselves are not sure on the number of children and female the PLA has. Children militias have lost their educational opportunities but they know how to make bombs and plant an ambush. In the absence of assured livelihood, the children may use this ill talent to make out the livings as has been in Sierra Leone and Angola. Children could also be used by others in criminal activities like drug trafficking, looting and kidnapping for ransom. Not to forget the psychological turmoil, feeling of inferiority and low self-esteem are the sufferings that the children will go through during this transitional phase that may lead to disruptive consequences.
As women sexuality is highly regarded in Nepali society, the women militias who have spent months or years outside may not be accepted back by their families and societies. In addition, contrary to Maoists’ claims of self popularity, many reports imply people actually fear them as those who could “do anything”. In this context coexistence of Maoists and civilians might be very difficult and painful. The social rejection and contempt may lead the militia women to involve in other acute social crimes like trafficking, prostitution and petty crimes.
The government in partnership with I/NGOs may develop programs like Non Formal Education (NFA) and Skill Trainings for these children and women. But to restore their lost social status and rehabilitate them might be toughest confrontation for Government and I/NGOs in a country where social values and morals are ways of life.
A Norwegian Conflict Management trainer says that peace and arms can never coexist. Both NA and PLA have arms beyond calculations so far. This fact makes Nepal still vulnerable to the armed violence. Moreover, the reports of Maoists' recruitment drive in PLA have made all including the international community suspicious on Nepal’s enduring peace. In the Peace Accord nothing specific is mentioned regarding the long term management of the arms. Failure to effectively manage the arms make civilians especially those who have been directly involved in the war accessible to these arms. In Cambodia large number of weapons used during the civil war is left in civilians' hands. Total number of illegal Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) in Cambodia would amount to one for every 3-5 households. Not to repeat the same fate, a confidence building between the Maoist and other political parties is necessary. Maoist should by now start to regard itself as a political party without an arm. Other parties also should work together to create the environment of confidence.
On 13, February 1996 when the Maoist started its People War, Dalits (low caste group), peasants, and disadvantaged ethnic group like Tharu formed a bulk of the PLA. This composition is not an accident. The People War had started with the issues concerning land, caste system and ethnic discrimination. Therefore the People War was immediately welcomed in rural parts of Nepal where the problem and discrimination of caste, ethnicity and landholding is intense.
The Comprehensive Peace Accord bears some vital points on issues related to Land Reforms. But the land issue may not be so easy to deal in Nepal where 6% of the people possess 40% of arable land and 70% of peasants has less than one hectare of land. And 25% of households are absolutely landless. The 6% elite processors of land are also industrialists and politicians who have always played vital role in the formulation and implementation of the national policies. The leaders of Nepal will now have to be in conflict with these industrialists and politicians if land holding policies are to be revised. Will leaders “disappoint” the industrialists who provide crucial support to them during the time of elections and other political activities?
If some tangible decisions in favor of land reformation and landlessness are not taken straight away then the fact of returning to the war cannot be ruled out. After all, in the last 13 years the peasants, landless and disadvantaged ethnic groups are well trained and experienced on how to launch an organized arms violence against the State mechanisms and civilians.
There is significant risk that when a civil war ends it will soon resume as has been in case of Angola and sporadically in Uganda. Oscar Rafael Sanchez, a Costa Rican Nobel Peace Prize winner has said that, negligence towards the militias, poorly administered arm management and failure to live up the moral code of the war may favor a return to a war in form of pillaging, armed gangs’ terror, robbing and stealing. As recent examples Zaire, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Somalia have proved Sanchez correct.
It might have been easier to share the dreams of egalitarian society with the militia and train them on how to shoot a person or blast a building. But it is not so easy to take the responsibility of their future, formulate sustainable legislations on their behalf and effectively stop them from going back to the war. The days in the office are indeed going to be very challenging for the leaders in Nepal.
Where have South Asian Girls Gone?
Some four months ago, my analysis on abortion as a religious or women's rights issue invited heaps of comments and suggestions to my reporter's desk in OhmyNews. As a feminist, I opined that abortion should be a very private decision of a woman as it can save women from unwanted motherhood and the related consequences. Now, I read the news and report how in South Asia abortion plays a major part in determining the fate of a female fetus. Sex-selective abortion, as the United Nations Development Fund for Women puts it, is occurring at very alarming rate across South Asia.Sex-selective abortion is prenatal discrimination against the fetus of an undesired sex by the practice of various methods of abortions. Such practices are more common in some places where cultural norms value male children over female children.
South Asia, however, is not the first region to practice sex-selective abortion with an aim to eliminate the birth of a daughter in preference for a son. Mainland China, South Korea, Malaysia and Singapore initiated this practice some 20-30 years ago. The consequence of this practice is that now all of these nations have an imbalanced sex ratio. There are 113 males per 100 females in South Korea and it is estimated that by 2020 there could be more than 35 million young "surplus males" in China.
In South Asia, abortion is legalized under different circumstances. Broadly, these circumstances can be classified as mother's mental or physical incapability, rape, deformed child or socio-economic conditions. Sex-selective abortion has not been recognized as a reason for abortion so far. However, it is the most important reason for which abortion is carried out in most of the cases in South Asia. "The reasons for abortion may be given different by the families but the hidden and the true reason is to eliminate the undesired sex," said an officer working in the Regional Office for South Asia-UNICEF, in an interview with BBC.
Among the South Asian countries, sex-selective abortion is most rampant and consequential in India. According to the 2001 census, the sex ratio in India is 107.8 males per 100 females, up from 105.8 males per 100 females in 1991. Indira Patel, an Indian sociologist, claims that 96 percent of aborted fetuses in India are female and that over the last 10 years 20 million female fetuses have been aborted. In the next 13 years, there will be 25 million more young males than females.
Pakistan and Afghanistan have significant numbers of sex-selective abortions but the situation is not as acute as in India. In both countries, the sex ratio among those who are 16 years or younger is 1.8 male to 1 female, which means the male population is growing slowly but quite steadily. In these countries abortion is legally permitted only if the health of a woman is not suitable for giving birth. "But most of the time abortion takes place for the desire to have son," says an anonymous doctor with BBC. She furthers adds, interestingly enough, that sex-selective abortion is more common among middle-class and wealthy Pakistani and Afghani families than among the poor and the uneducated. This may be true due to the associated fear and inaccessibility of abortion among poor people. However, the discrimination that girl children face is an altogether different issue.
In Nepal, where abortion under any circumstances is legal and permitted, sex-selective abortions might be quite firm there too. Nepal is a country that celebrates the birth of a baby boy, as in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh; therefore, elimination of an undesired fetus from a mother's womb must be quite common and regular though it is very difficult to get reports on this particular issue from Nepal.
The vital point here is that the criminalization of abortion under any circumstances is often the solution for this devastating practice of selective infanticide. I disagree with many experts who see the criminalization of abortion as an answer.
Sex-selective abortion doesn't have its roots in the legalization of abortion, though indeed it might have been enhanced by this provision. The root cause of this infanticide goes back to Hindu and Muslim religions, which glorify manhood. In both religions, woman are demeaned and belittled so much that giving birth to a female signifies incapability and inferiority. Being a mother of a son, however, brings social prestige and recognition to the family. An ever-recognized feminist, Kamala Bhasin, says there is a big gulf of differences between parents of a son and parents of a daughter.
The root cause also goes back to the South Asian culture of dowry and the joint family. At the time of marriage, the girl's family has to pay a heavy "groom price" in the form of cash, jewels and gifts to the boy's family. The best way to escape this social compulsion is by not giving birth to a daughter. Most South Asian middle-class families prefer to pay US$50 for an abortion than $10,000 on the daughter's marriage.
South Asian family culture requires the son to stay with his parents after marriage. The son and daughter-in-law are expected to look after the parents through their old age; therefore, families prefer sons, who are like "insurance" for old age. Daughters, on the other hand, are "non-profitable investments." After marriage, they are socially not obliged to take care of their parents.
People must be apprised of discriminational religious values and dogmas, though the task involves high risk due to ingrained social sentiments. Gender awareness can be initiated not only at the grassroots level (as has been done in India, Nepal and Bangladesh) but throughout every class of people.
The system of dowry can be strictly criminalized. It is surprising that despite being recognized as a social evil, no South Asian country has succeeded in effectively controlling the dowry system. Restricting abortion can ensure the birth of a girl child but it will not stop the growing death rates, the harassment by in-laws, the suicides or the divorces related to dowry. Nor will it ensure opportunities for a girl to have better education, food and employment. Sex-selective abortion is a social issue not a legal issue.
The United Nations International Conference on Population and Development, held in Cairo, Egypt, in 1994, recognized sex-selective abortion and infanticide, along with discrimination against female children, as a social crime. Thirteen years after, the situation looks worse than before. These days, a state-run television in India airs a message with a tag "celebrate on the birth of a daughter." Definitely, girls must be welcomed as their growing absence can make South Asia face worse forms of inevitable crimes such as violence, including trafficking, kidnapping, prostitution and rape. The development workers and governments in South Asia now cannot afford to lose time in creating an environment where the birth of any baby, boy or girl, is celebrated.
South Asia, however, is not the first region to practice sex-selective abortion with an aim to eliminate the birth of a daughter in preference for a son. Mainland China, South Korea, Malaysia and Singapore initiated this practice some 20-30 years ago. The consequence of this practice is that now all of these nations have an imbalanced sex ratio. There are 113 males per 100 females in South Korea and it is estimated that by 2020 there could be more than 35 million young "surplus males" in China.
In South Asia, abortion is legalized under different circumstances. Broadly, these circumstances can be classified as mother's mental or physical incapability, rape, deformed child or socio-economic conditions. Sex-selective abortion has not been recognized as a reason for abortion so far. However, it is the most important reason for which abortion is carried out in most of the cases in South Asia. "The reasons for abortion may be given different by the families but the hidden and the true reason is to eliminate the undesired sex," said an officer working in the Regional Office for South Asia-UNICEF, in an interview with BBC.
Among the South Asian countries, sex-selective abortion is most rampant and consequential in India. According to the 2001 census, the sex ratio in India is 107.8 males per 100 females, up from 105.8 males per 100 females in 1991. Indira Patel, an Indian sociologist, claims that 96 percent of aborted fetuses in India are female and that over the last 10 years 20 million female fetuses have been aborted. In the next 13 years, there will be 25 million more young males than females.
Pakistan and Afghanistan have significant numbers of sex-selective abortions but the situation is not as acute as in India. In both countries, the sex ratio among those who are 16 years or younger is 1.8 male to 1 female, which means the male population is growing slowly but quite steadily. In these countries abortion is legally permitted only if the health of a woman is not suitable for giving birth. "But most of the time abortion takes place for the desire to have son," says an anonymous doctor with BBC. She furthers adds, interestingly enough, that sex-selective abortion is more common among middle-class and wealthy Pakistani and Afghani families than among the poor and the uneducated. This may be true due to the associated fear and inaccessibility of abortion among poor people. However, the discrimination that girl children face is an altogether different issue.
In Nepal, where abortion under any circumstances is legal and permitted, sex-selective abortions might be quite firm there too. Nepal is a country that celebrates the birth of a baby boy, as in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh; therefore, elimination of an undesired fetus from a mother's womb must be quite common and regular though it is very difficult to get reports on this particular issue from Nepal.
The vital point here is that the criminalization of abortion under any circumstances is often the solution for this devastating practice of selective infanticide. I disagree with many experts who see the criminalization of abortion as an answer.
Sex-selective abortion doesn't have its roots in the legalization of abortion, though indeed it might have been enhanced by this provision. The root cause of this infanticide goes back to Hindu and Muslim religions, which glorify manhood. In both religions, woman are demeaned and belittled so much that giving birth to a female signifies incapability and inferiority. Being a mother of a son, however, brings social prestige and recognition to the family. An ever-recognized feminist, Kamala Bhasin, says there is a big gulf of differences between parents of a son and parents of a daughter.
The root cause also goes back to the South Asian culture of dowry and the joint family. At the time of marriage, the girl's family has to pay a heavy "groom price" in the form of cash, jewels and gifts to the boy's family. The best way to escape this social compulsion is by not giving birth to a daughter. Most South Asian middle-class families prefer to pay US$50 for an abortion than $10,000 on the daughter's marriage.
South Asian family culture requires the son to stay with his parents after marriage. The son and daughter-in-law are expected to look after the parents through their old age; therefore, families prefer sons, who are like "insurance" for old age. Daughters, on the other hand, are "non-profitable investments." After marriage, they are socially not obliged to take care of their parents.
People must be apprised of discriminational religious values and dogmas, though the task involves high risk due to ingrained social sentiments. Gender awareness can be initiated not only at the grassroots level (as has been done in India, Nepal and Bangladesh) but throughout every class of people.
The system of dowry can be strictly criminalized. It is surprising that despite being recognized as a social evil, no South Asian country has succeeded in effectively controlling the dowry system. Restricting abortion can ensure the birth of a girl child but it will not stop the growing death rates, the harassment by in-laws, the suicides or the divorces related to dowry. Nor will it ensure opportunities for a girl to have better education, food and employment. Sex-selective abortion is a social issue not a legal issue.
The United Nations International Conference on Population and Development, held in Cairo, Egypt, in 1994, recognized sex-selective abortion and infanticide, along with discrimination against female children, as a social crime. Thirteen years after, the situation looks worse than before. These days, a state-run television in India airs a message with a tag "celebrate on the birth of a daughter." Definitely, girls must be welcomed as their growing absence can make South Asia face worse forms of inevitable crimes such as violence, including trafficking, kidnapping, prostitution and rape. The development workers and governments in South Asia now cannot afford to lose time in creating an environment where the birth of any baby, boy or girl, is celebrated.
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